By the mid-1950s, officeholders and social activists from every point on the ideological spectrum had signed on to the same righteous platform. You keep digging until you find one where you strike oil.
ttscribe6.hongkong President Eisenhower embodied the perfect definition of “spiritual but not religious.” His baptism into a specific Christian denomination only occurred after his inauguration.
His new book is One Nation Under God.
Kruse's new book, One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America, offers an enlightening history of corporate collusion, clerical venality, and a credulous public. But in One Nation Under God, historian Kevin M. Kruse argues that the idea of “Christian America” is nothing more than a myth—and a relatively recent one at that. See what's new with book lending at the Internet Archive. Meanwhile, Congress added the phrase 'under God' to the Pledge of Allegiance and made 'In God We Trust' the country's first official motto.
His work has appeared in local and international publications.
~~ PDF One Nation Under God How Corporate America Invented Christian America ~~ Uploaded By Karl May, but in one nation under god historian kevin m kruse argues that the idea of christian america is nothing more than a myth and a relatively recent one at that the assumption that america was is and always will be a christian Uploaded by . That doesn't mean these can't be traditions that we value, but I think that they need to be traditions we understand fully before we embrace them fully. "In God We Trust" first appeared on paper money in 1957, following a 1956 act of Congress that declared the phrase the national motto of the United States. Only the last of those endeavors was successful. I grew up thinking that the "under God" phrase was a traditional part of the Pledge of ... One Nation Under God: How Corporate America Invented Christian America. Chuck Colson said, “One of my jobs in the White House was to romance religious leaders. Q: What implications does this have for how we view politics today? They may, however, have wondered why they were necessary.
One Nation Under God By Kevin M. Kruse Basic Books Buy from IndieBound Buy from Amazon. But clergymen from a variety of faiths contended that encouraging children to pray violated the First Amendment and might confuse a faith in God with obedience to their teachers. No claim goes undefended as he deconstructs the false narrative that feeds into the minds of the American public. Question: What are the key points you hope readers will take away from your work? Under Eisenhower, Kruse writes, “the state no longer seemed ‘pagan,’. “They teach them about Communism.
And they still can be, I think. Martin Luther King Jr. As Kruse points out, Franklin Roosevelt, that alleged collectivist foe of God, sprinkled biblical references into many of his speeches. It introduces into the thought of heaven an idea of equalization, which saves the rich from being massacred by the poor.”. Conservatives blasted President Obama for comparing, at this year’s National Prayer Breakfast, the people who “committed terrible deeds in the name of Christ” with those contemporary Muslims who slaughter in the name of Allah. But his arguments thread a needle between the definition of “cultural Christianity” and “Christian America.” Critical comprehension is required. Like “He insisted that the poor in other nations, like those in his own, needed no government assistance. But you've really got to get into the archives. Professor Kevin Kruse makes the compelling historical case that America’s religious identity had its roots in the domestic politics against Roosevelt’s New Deal of the 1930s and 1940s.
That's a story that scholars might know, even if the general public doesn't.
The worship services in the White House, taken in concert with things like the Watergate break-in, the enemies lists, and the wire-tapping, create the impression of an office vested with infinite power, no accountability, and the imprimatur of a conservative Christian majority.
Apart from the obvious church and state separation issues, the Nixon White House wrapped it up in a veil of sanctimonious doublespeak. They all believed religiosity, if widely and officially deployed, would be a mighty weapon in the battle against collectivist liberals at home and Communists abroad. .
That doesn't mean they're not important.
Unlike other books with sensational titles, Kruse writes with clarity and authority. But in One Nation Under God, historian Kevin M. Kruse reveals that the belief that America is fundamentally and formally Christian originated in the 1930s.To fight the "slavery" of FDR's New Deal, businessmen enlisted religious activists in a campaign for "freedom under God" that culminated in the election of their ally Dwight Eisenhower in 1952. “Every Christian should oppose the totalitarian trends of the New Deal,” asserted James W. Fifield Jr., an eloquent Congregationalist pastor from Los Angeles who, during the 1930s, created Spiritual Mobilization, a publicity offensive that joined megachurches like his with vocal, anti-liberal magnates like the Hollywood producer Cecil B. His name was Reverend James W. Fifield, Jr. Fifield and others, including hotel magnate Conrad Hilton, pushed back against the Social Gospel with their own interpretation. Nixon, like God, could do no wrong. Difference is key.
Often you'll come up dry, but even in that case, at least you know what's not there.
“Their greatest need is not more money, food, or even medicine; it is Christ,” he said. One Nation Under God sheds light on the shadowy history of political conservatism, big business, and populist fervor.
That prompted Kruse to begin looking more closely at how those phrases and the ideas they represent became a part of the fabric of American politics.
Companies such as General Motors and Hilton Hotels, industrialists and business lobbies such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce funded evangelists who attacked the New Deal as a program of "pagan statism" that perverted a central Christian principle: the sanctity and salvation of the individual. But politically, these ideas of "freedom under God" and that individuals can have religious beliefs that protect them from the incursions of the regulatory state go back to the '30s. Start off asking questions that are informed by the literature, informed by your own hunches about what might be out there and what might be interesting. In 1952, just before moving into the White House, Dwight Eisenhower (who was named after Dwight Moody, the renowned Gilded Age evangelist) told a gathering at the Waldorf Astoria: “Our form of government has no sense unless it is founded in a deeply felt religious faith, and I don’t care what it is.” Only a hardened atheist could object to such an ecumenical bromide. I grew up thinking that the "under God" phrase was a traditional part of the Pledge of ... Přečíst celou recenzi, How Corporate America Invented Christian America. One lone Jewish representative from Brooklyn, Abraham Multer, did argue that putting God’s name on the currency would not stimulate “one single person to be more religious.” But even he didn’t dare vote against the bill.
We’re often told that the United States is, was, and always has been a Christian nation.
We would bring them into the White House and they would be dazzled by the aura of the Oval Office, and I found them to be about the most pliable of any of the special interest groups that we worked with.” Words of warning for any religious powerbroker seeking to charm any future presidential candidate. The main narrative thrust focuses on the big business reaction to the New Deal and follows through until the Nixon White House. The book traces the rise of Christian libertarianism as a critique from the right against the New Deal and the tyranny of the state. Despite the public piety, the Nixon White House knew how to play the game.
Princeton historian Kevin Kruse's latest project took an unexpected turn deep in the papers of former Supreme Court Associate Justice Hugo Black.
In his Second Inaugural Address, Roosevelt even “portrayed himself, rather unsubtly, as a modern-day Moses leading his people out of the wilderness.” In the United States, spiritual mobilization has long been anyone’s game.
Ceremonial deism worked because it presented a bland, toothless, and inoffensive version of religion. President Richard Nixon and the evangelist Billy Graham, 1970. understood that. The American public bought it and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act is but one of the poisonous mushrooms cultivated from this putrid soil. Researching what he had envisioned as a book about the grassroots beginnings of the Moral Majority movement, Kruse, a professor of history, began poring through the masses of mail Black received following the Supreme Court's 1962 ruling against state-mandated school prayer. While presidents attended the numerous houses of worship in Washington, D.C. for private worship, Nixon took the drastic step of orchestrating worship services in the White House. .
Or why the Pledge of Allegiance to the most revered symbol of the nation includes an explicit declaration of confidence in the Almighty? Their agenda was simple: Engineer a public relations rehabilitation for capitalism. The assumption that America was, is, and always will be a Christian nation dates back no further than the 1930s, when a coalition of businessmen and religious leaders united in opposition to FDR’s New Deal. But I think what's new about the book for scholars is that these developments in the 1950s didn't stem from the Cold War.
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